Sunday, November 10, 2013

International Day of Prayer for Persecuted Christians: November 10th

Today is the International Day of Prayer for Persecuted Christians. Some may scoff, but according to the International Society for Human Rights, 80 percent of all acts of religious discrimination in the world are directed toward Christians. In fact, according to The Pew Forum, between 2006-2010, Christians faced some sort of discrimination in 3/4 of all the nations of the world (139 to be exact), and by one estimate as many as 11 Christians are killed each hour somewhere in the world. As noted in the most recent issue of The Christian Century (November 13, 2007, p. 7):
In Eritrea, one of the earliest Christian countries in the world, a military compound has been turned into a prison complex housing 2,000 to 3,000 Christians. They are imprisoned because they are part of a small independent Protestant community that is not approved by the government... 
Of the 65 churches in Baghdad, 40 have been bombed since the United States' invasion of Iraq in 2003. Iraq had a flourishing Christian community of 1.5 million at the start of the war; now it is a third that size. In Egypt, 40 Coptic churches were burned and looted in August in a wave of attacks blamed on radical Islamists. In September a suicide bomber attacked a church in northwestern Pakistan, killing 85 people. Living under strict antiblasphemy laws, Christians throughout the country are being accused of blasphemy because of their Christian convictions. In Syria, Christians are caught in the cross fire of a civil war and are targeted by radicals on both sides. 
Persecution is occurring not only in the Middle East but in Nigerian, Kenya, Burma, India and North Korea. North Korea may be the worst place in the world to be a Christian; it's believed that a quarter of the country's Christians live in forced-labor camps.
However, as John L. Allen, Jr., author of the The Global War on Christians: Dispatches from the Front Lines of Anti-Christian Persecution, notes that this persecution is the greatest story not being told in the 21st century. Why? Allen believes that one reason is that because many of us have learned about Christian imperialism, we have a hard time believing that Christians can be among the oppressed and not always the oppressor. And as The Christian Century points out, "others are wary of the anti-Muslim fervor that fuels some people's focus on Christian persecution." And while, no doubt, this latter point is true, it isn't an excuse for looking the other way when a religious community is being persecuted, whether it's Christian, Jewish, Buddhist, Muslim, or something else (Source: The Christian Century, November 13, 2013).

Saturday, November 9, 2013

Aristotle and the Righteous Mind

For decades, the conventional wisdom concerning moral development was that our moral selves begin as blank slates and then are formed and developed through our interactions with the world and our exercise of reason. This perspective has fallen on hard times in recent years, however. Steven Pinker ("The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature") and others have discredited the notion that we're born with the blank slate, and moral psychologists (along with evolutionary, cognitive and neuropsychologists) have demonstrated that we are appear to be born with intuitive understandings of right and wrong, which is why most of use routinely make moral judgments about other peoples’ behavior without really thinking why. In fact, when we're asked why, we often have a hard time articulating a reason.

For example, Jonathan Haidt ("The Righteous Mind: Why Good People Are Divided By Religion and Politics") and his colleagues have run a series of experiments in which he asks people to imagine a variety of scenarios in which the subjects do disturbing things but harm no one in the process, such as “imagine eating your dead pet dog,” “imagine cleaning your toilet with your nation’s flag,” or “imagine someone having sex with a dead chicken before cooking it for dinner,” and in almost every case, his subjects felt immediate disgust. But when asked why, seldom could they provide a reason. They just did.

What’s more, Haidt has run these experiments in a variety of settings, from the slums of Brazil to the universities of the U.S., and he has found that across cultures, people share similar moral instincts. Of course, he had to alter the scenarios so they’d fit the culture in which they were presented, but he and his colleagues have consistently found that people in different cultures react similarly to analogous scenarios. This suggests that our moral intuitions a prior to culture, not after, that they’re deeply embedded within our psyches, that they’re something with which we’re born. This is not to say that there’s no moral variation across cultures. There is. But it appears that most of us are born with similar moral intuitions that are then modified through our interactions with the societies in which we live and move and have our being. As David Brooks notes:
Jonathan Haidt, Jesse Graham, and Craig Joseph have compared these [inclinations] to the taste buds. Just as the human tongue has different receptors to perceive sweetness, saltiness, and so on, the moral modules have distinct receptors to perceive certain classic situations. Just as different cultures have created different cuisines based on a few shared flavor senses, so, too, have different cultures created diverse understandings of virtue and vice, based on a few shared concerns (Brooks, "The Social Animal," p. 286).
In fact, Haidt and his colleagues have developed a theory (Moral Foundations Theory) that has identified six moral intuitions: (1) care/harm, (2) fairness/cheating, (3) liberty/oppression (4) loyalty/betrayal, (5) authority/subversion, and (6) sanctity/disgust. I've discussed these previously ("Miley Cyrus and Moral Outrage"), so I won't rehash them here. Briefly stated, what their research has found is that the blank slate is a myth; all of us are born with similar moral instincts, which are then modified by the cultures in which we live.

Why is this? It’s largely due to the way we think. As I've noted in previous posts ("Thinking Fast, Thinking Slow"), our minds engage in two types of thinking: one intuitive, one reflective; one instinctive, one deliberate; one fast, one slow. Most of the time, however, we react instinctively without reflecting on what we’re doing. And a lot of the time this is a good thing. As we listen to others speak, we don’t have think about every word they utter. If we had to, we’d be incapable of carrying on conversations. Likewise, when we’re driving, when someone cuts us off or slams on their brakes, we act instinctively. If we had to abstract away from what was happening, we wouldn’t last two seconds on our nation’s highways. This is not to imply that our reflective self never plays a role; it does, and it often keeps us in check, but reflective thinking’s hard work and takes a lot of mental energy, which is why a lot of the time, we operate on autopilot, unaware of how our unconscious guides our behavior.

Unfortunately, our intuitive self doesn't always act the way we'd like it to. We're a mix of selfish and moral instincts, and the former often carry the day. All is not lost, however. We may be guided more by our selfish instincts than our moral ones, but as Aristotle (and the Buddha) argued long ago, we can cultivate our moral instincts through repetition and practice. This isn't rocket-science. Academics, artists, and athletes have known this for centuries. We may be born with innate intellectual, musical, or athletic ability, but if we don't practice, if we don't turn our talents into habits, into virtues, we'll never become great academics or artists or athletes.

So it is with the moral life. However, as Aristotle also pointed out, we can't know what practices to cultivate without first knowing what the goals we seek are. We first have to consider what our ends and purposes are before we can know what is right and good and just. Put more simply, we can’t know what the right thing to do is without a prior idea of what constitutes what is good. Take health care, for instance. If the ultimate goal is to make a profit, then it’s perfectly legitimate to limit the time that doctors spend with their patients so that they can see as many as possible. But if the ultimate goal is to provide quality health care, then the right thing to do is to insure that doctors spend as much time with their patients as needed. In short, our goals, what we consider to be good, drive what we consider to be right and good and just.

Moreover, as Michael Sandel reminds us ("Justice: What's the Right Thing to Do"), as hard as we try, we can’t separate our beliefs about right and wrong from the social circles in which we are embedded. It’s impossible for us to separate our notions of what is good from the moral claims of the communities in which we’re embedded. Complete objectivity and complete neutrality are noble goals, but they’re quixotic ones, which is why we can’t derive principles of justice apart from a prior conception of what’s good. Unfortunately, most political and moral discourse doesn't focus on what is good but on what is just, which is why many of us talk right past one another.

But even recognizing that we should begin with what constitutes the "good" rather than what is "right" doesn't guarantee that we'll reach agreement on various hot-button issues. That is because our moral communities often disagree with constitutes what is "good." Nevertheless, it is the place to start. We need to attend to the various conceptions of what the purposes and ends of the good life are. Does this mean that through deliberating about the ends we serve we can resolve all issues that will come before
us? Of course not, but as Sandel notes
A just society can’t be achieved simply by maximizing utility or by securing freedom of choice. To achieve a just society we have to reason together about the meaning of the good life, and to create a public culture hospitable to the disagreements that will inevitably arise (Sandel 2009:261).
Reasoning together requires, however, that we respect the opinions of others. Calling them silly, ignorant, morally bankrupt, or stupid accomplishes nothing other than making us feel good about ourselves (self-righteousness can be emotionally satisfying but is generally unhelpful in building a civil society). Instead, we need to take the approach advocated by Jonathan Haidt in his essay, "What Makes People Vote Republican." In it, he begins by summarizing the typical explanations that psychologists, most of whom are political liberals, have offered for why some people are conservatives:
Conservatives are conservative because they were raised by overly strict parents, or because they are inordinately afraid of change, novelty, and complexity, or because they suffer from existential fears and therefore cling to a simple worldview with no shades of gray. These approaches all had one feature in common: they used psychology to explain away conservatism. They made it unnecessary for liberals to take conservative ideas seriously because these ideas are caused by bad childhoods or ugly personality traits. I suggested a very different approach: start by assuming that conservatives are as sincere as liberals, and then use Moral Foundations Theory to understand the moral matrices of both sides ("The Righteous Mind, p. 164).
What a novel idea. Begin by "assuming that conservatives are as sincere as liberals." Of course, such advice cuts both ways. Conservatives will also have to come to the table assuming that liberals are as sincere as conservatives. Will it happen? I doubt it, at least not among the partisans on both sides who are so convinced that they're right that they can't see past their own ideological blinders (it must be great being them). But I do have hope for rest, who somewhere along the way, learned that for now we only see through a glass darkly (1 Cor. 13:12).

Monday, November 4, 2013

What's Normal?

Once when I was exploring various blogs, I came across a blogger who stated that he'd started his blog in order to figure out why some people are religious. By framing the question in this way, however, he's almost certainly biased whatever conclusions he arrives at. It reminds me of academics who search for reasons why people vote "Republican." It's as if "Republicanism" is some sort of disease of which people need be cured. And like such academics, the blogger appears to regard religion as a disease in need of a cure, which if found, could rid the world of religion and then everyone could become like him: normal.

From a statistical point of view, however, given that most of the world is religious, it is people of faith, rather than those without faith, who are normal. As the sociologist Peter Berger cogently observed back in 1996 (The National Interest, #46):
A few years ago the first volume coming out of the so-called Fundamentalism Project landed on my desk. The Fundamentalism Project was very generously funded by the MacArthur Foundation and chaired by Martin Marty, the distinguished church historian at the University of Chicago. A number of very reputable scholars took part in it, and the published results are of generally excellent quality. But my contemplation of this first volume gave me what has been called an "aha! experience." The book was very big, sitting there on my desk--a "book-weapon," the kind that could do serious injury. So I asked myself, why would the MacArthur Foundation shell out several million dollars to support an international study of religious fundamentalists?
Two answers came to mind. The first was obvious and not very interesting. The MacArthur Foundation is a very progressive outfit; it understood fundamentalists to be anti-progressive; the Project, then, was a matter of knowing one's enemies.
But there was also a more interesting answer. "Fundamentalism" is considered a strange, hard-to-understand phenomenon; the purpose of the Project was to delve into this alien world and make it more understandable. But to whom? Who finds this world strange? Well, the answer to that question was easy: people to whom the officials of the MacArthur Foundation normally talk, such as professors at elite American universities. 
And with this came the aha! experience. The concern that must have led to this Project was based on an upside-down perception of the world, according to which "fundamentalism" (which, when all is said and done, usually refers to any sort of passionate religious movement) is a rare, hard-to-explain thing. But a look either at history or at the contemporary world reveals that what is rare is not the phenomenon itself but knowledge of it. The difficult-to-understand phenomenon is not Iranian mullahs but American university professors--it might be worth a multi-million-dollar project to try to explain that!
In short, what constitutes normal is largely a matter of perspective. This does not make all perspectives equally valid, but it should give us pause and make us consider whether it's others who are in the need of fixing or whether it's us. Or to paraphrase a wise philosopher, perhaps we should take the plank out of our own eyes before we remove the speck out of the eyes of others.

Sunday, November 3, 2013

When You're Hot, You're Hot

I believe it was San Antonio Spurs coach Gregg Popovich who last year remarked that he cared less about what seed his team earned for the playoffs and more about whether his team was hitting on all 8 cylinders when the playoffs arrived. True to form, although the Spurs did not earn the top seed in Western Conference for last year's NBA playoffs (the Oklahoma City Thunder did), the Spurs reached the NBA finals and almost upset the favored Miami Heat in the finals. (It is also worth noting that the Spurs have won four NBA championships and were only the top seed in two of those four years.) Put simply, in order to win a major professional championship, whether its the World Series, the Stanley Cup, the Super Bowl, or the NBA's O'Brien Trophy, not only do you need to be good (in order to reach the playoffs), but also you have to hot, you need to be peaking, as the 2008-09 San Jose Sharks (winners of the President's Trophy), the 2012 Texas Rangers (the best team in April and May), and 2013 Dodgers (who were virtually unbeatable in June and July) painfully discovered. Or as the late Jerry Reed put it, "When You're Hot, You're Hot, When You're Not You're Not!"

Wednesday, October 30, 2013

War of the Worlds: Could it Happen Again?

Just in time for Halloween... Well, not exactly, but definitely suitable for Halloween: Radiolab's 2008 live podcast (from the FitzGerald Theater in St. Paul, Minnesota, for all you "Prairie Home Companion" fans) about Orson Welles's "War of the Worlds" radio broadcast that aired on October 30, 1938, and reportedly caused wide-spread panic. What's fascinating is that although later commentators have argued that it couldn't happen again because we are far more sophisticated now than we were then, it has happened again: in 1949 (in Ecuador), in 1968 (in New York), and in 1999 (aka The Blair Witch Project). Here's the description of the podcast from the Radiolab website:
In our very first live hour, we take a deep dive into one of the most controversial moments in broadcasting history: Orson Welles' 1938 radio play about Martians invading New Jersey. "The War of the Worlds" is believed to have fooled over a million people when it originally aired, and it's continued to fool people since--from Santiago, Chile to Buffalo, New York to a particularly disastrous evening in Quito, Ecuador.
You can listen to the podcast at the Radiolab website ("War of the Worlds") or you can download it from iTunes. Thanks to Rob Schroeder for bringing this to my attention.

Monday, October 28, 2013

The Dodgers: America's Team?

It has been said that folks who work "inside the (DC) Beltway" live in such a different world that they are completely out of touch with the rest of America, which is one reason why what happens in Washington often has little or no relation to what Americans want. However, after Dodger manager Don Mattingly remarked that the Dodgers were "America's Team," I couldn't help but wonder whether a similar beltway encircles Chavez Ravine (aka, Dodger Stadium).  If Mattingly truly believes that the Dodgers are America's team, then he's remarkably out of touch with the rest of baseball America, including the Yankees for whom he used to play.

Why? Because most baseball fans look unkindly on teams that attempt to buy championships, regardless of who it is, and the Dodgers' team payroll ranked only behind the Yankees in 2013 ("2013 Payrolls And Salaries For Every MLB Team").  Nor do we like teams where players stand at home plate admiring what they (mistakenly) think is a home run, jumping into an opposing team's swimming pool, or after hitting a home run, wiggling their fingers, impersonating Mickey Mouse. Rookies like Yasiel Puig can be forgiven for their youthful enthusiasm, but veterans like Adrian Gonzalez should know better (I wonder if that's why the Red Sox unloaded him).

Of course, a couple of rogue players does not a team make. In fact, for a team to earn the designation, "America's Team," one would have to take into consideration its ownership, fans, and history. And although I'm skeptical that there's an "America's Team," if I were forced to pick one, I'd probably choose, not the Atlanta Braves (sorry Braves fans), but the St. Louis Cardinals (as long as I don't have to listen to Joe Buck and Tim McCarver). As NYU President John Sexton, and life-long baseball fan, notes ("Baseball as a Road to God: Seeing Beyond the Game"),
St. Louis has enjoyed a revered reputation for generations among baseball wags. As [Randy] Johnson... has put it, “It’s a fun city to come to because you know it’s all baseball.” 
And baseball there is played famously hard and well, from the spikes-high “Gashouse Gang” rowdies of the thirties to the mad dashes on the base paths of Enos “Country” Slaughter in the forties, to the elegance of Stan “the Man” Musial in the fifties, to the glare of fiery concentration on the face of the Hall of Fame fireball pitcher Bob Gibson in the sixties. Though the record must show that this border-state city was notoriously hostile to Jackie Robinson during his rookie year, the St. Louis tradition generally has been that the game is left on the field, that opponents are respected, that booing is for Easterners, and that rooting for the home team is no less intense during lean years. 
St. Louis may just barely be among the twenty largest metropolitan areas in the country, but in recent decades only the far larger-market Los Angeles Dodgers and New York Yankees have kept pace in attendance. When the Cardinals drew three million fans for the first time in 1987, only the Dodgers had done it. Their success was magnified by a famous radio station, WMOX, one of the first fifty-thousand-watt behemoths on the scene; in the years before the major leagues expanded, WMOX saturated the South; if you lived in Dixie, you were a Cardinals fan.
And a recent article in the NY Times ("Cardinals’ Strategy Replaces Big Names With Ingenuity") argues that the Cardinals organization consistently win, not because it chases after big names, but because it develops players "that most have never heard of -- like [Carlos] Martinez, their sudden setup man -- and unleash them on the opposition." Of course, one could argue that they did chase after Carlos Beltran, signing him to a two-year contract in 2011 for $26 million, but that was after they refused to pay their long-time star, Albert Pujols, the $240 million he ended up getting from the Anaheim Angels.

But, then again, I'm unconvinced that any team can be called "America's Team." One thing I'm convinced of, though, it ain't the Dodgers.

Saturday, October 26, 2013

Does Recycling Paper Help the Environment?

It is not uncommon for folks to toss paper into a recycle bin and exclaim that they're saving trees (e.g., see the graphic to the right). In reality, however, they're not. The trees that are harvested to produce paper are grown specifically for the purpose of producing paper, nothing more. Thus, when we recycle paper, fewer trees have to be planted and grown. This, of course, doesn't mean that recycling paper isn't a good thing. It can help to reduce land-fill waste, and the energy used to recycle paper may be less than the energy used to grow, cut, and process trees destined for the paper mill.

It is also commonly believed that leaving the city and opting for the rural life is also good for the environment. But, it's not.  The per capita carbon footprint of people living in high rises is lower than those living in rural communities, primarily because in urban environments people share more resources (e.g., people who live in high-rises share the same plot of land as those above and below them; not so for folks who live in the country). And as I noted in a previous post ("Locavorism: Good for the Environment?"), it's better for the environment for people living in England to buy tomatoes grown in Spain than to grow it themselves because the energy expended to produce tomatoes in England is greater than the energy expended to produce it in Spain and ship it to England.

None of this is to suggest that pursuing practices that are good for the environment isn't a good thing; it's simply to note that some of those practices aren't as good for the environment as we often think they are.

All this and more is the subject of a recent Freakonomics podcast, "Why Bad Environmentalism Is Such an Easy Sell," which you download from iTunes or listen to at the Freakonomics website (where you can also find the transcript). It features economist Ed Glaeser, author of Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier. Here's a quote from Glaeser that serves as nice summary of the podcast:
I actually do believe that almost all environmentalists are motivated by relatively benign forces and they’re trying to do good for the world… But I do think that in the sales pitch, in the persuasion process, inevitably decision rules get simplified. Inevitably we move things down to sound bites, we move things down to simple implications. And sometimes these just mean that we get results that are less than perfect. In some cases we can get results that are completely the reverse of what we wanted.